A cheap but lethal home-brewed alcoholic cocktail, mixed with 90 percent alcohol, ginseng, vanilla, honey among other ingredients, has recently killed 14 young men in Semarang, Central Java. The men bought these materials from a small drink vendor (a warung) and died after drinking this cocktail, popularly known as oplosan in Indonesia. This was not an isolated event and it is important to note the high risks associated with drinking oplosan in the first place.
This potentially lethal practice is quite rampant, particularly among young men from lower socio-economic backgrounds, both in rural and urban areas of Indonesia. Last year for instance, the Indonesian media widely reported the deaths of young men who drank this cocktail in Surabaya and Madiun in East Java, Indramayu in West Java, as well as the deaths of several Thai citizens in Papua. It seems that these cases are merely the tip of the iceberg since not all deaths, health and social consequences related to this hazardous practice can be detected or reported in the media.
During my fieldwork in a slum area in Makassar, South Sulawesi, in mid 2008, I found that many young men drank this dangerous oplosan drink not only because of the chemical or pharmacological effects, but also because of the cultural meaning attached to this risky practice.
In addition, it is quite clear that drinking oplosan is a social event among young men. Many researchers have found the contradictory functions of alcohol as a social glue among young men even though alcohol may also trigger conflict or even violence among them.
Because most of the young men in Indonesia who drink oplosan are from a low socio-economic background, they usually pool money to buy the materials that they will mix to produce this lethal cocktail. One of the most important meanings that these young men attach to the practice of drinking oplosan is to achieve and maintain their masculine status.
Many of them mention that they participate in this risky and potentially lethal drinking practice to prove their manhood as well as to numb their frustration from their harsh daily lives.
Australian sociologist, R.W. Connell, the pioneer in theorizing masculinity, cited the tendency of “hyper-masculinity” among young men from disadvantaged backgrounds that push them to be involved in risky practices such as risky drinking, drug use, crime or violence.
According to Connell, unlike many young men from higher socio-economic backgrounds who also are involved in risky activities but mature more quickly because of work and marriage, young men from low socio-economic backgrounds usually engage in these risky practices earlier and longer.
They also lack the resources and support to mature quickly and identify with their masculinity through conventional channels such as education, employment and career. Many young men from deprived backgrounds engage often in these risky practices and later face severe health, social, economic and legal consequences or even death.
It is therefore important to note that repression alone cannot prevent many young men from drinking oplosan. As reported by many researchers, engagement in risky practices among young men from a low socio-economic background also has structural, cultural and gender dimensions. High levels of school drop-outs, low access to decent employment, boredom and the desire to prove their manhood - even through self destruction - push these young men into chronic alienation and marginalization.
Community development programs that increase educational attainment, employability and access toward health prevention and care programs, needs to be designed and implemented to reduce the marginalization of poor young men. It is also noteworthy that in most cultures there is a sense of exclusion for young men who lack financial independence and have no decent employment. These young men generally will suffer from lower self esteem and many of them compensate their misery with risky practices.
The feminization of labor - in which young females have better access to employment in the service sectors in urban areas – has also exacerbated the alienation of many young men. This gender dimension of unemployment and underemployment should be taken into account as well.
For more than 15 years in Indonesia, when we talk about gender it usually means talking about efforts to increase the well-being of girls and women. It is now urgent to also incorporate men and boys into the gender discussion.
Epidemiological data clearly shows that the mortality, morbidity, socio-economic and legal consequences of risky practices such as hazardous drinking, drug use, traffic accidents, unsafe sex, crime and violence are highly concentrated among men between 15-24 years of age, particularly those from lower socio-economic backgrounds.
Moreover, it is worth mentioning that the engagement of young men in these risky activities will also affect the well being of their female counterparts such as their mothers, their sisters or their partners. In many cases the engagement of young men in these risky practices may create physical, psychological, social and economic problems for females such as domestic violence, sexual violence, sexually transmitted diseases (including HIV/AIDS), social stigma, discrimination, exclusion or even death.
Finally, it is urgent to better understand the cultural context and the political economy of young men who undertake risky activities, in order to design and implement appropriate and comprehensive interventions.
This potentially lethal practice is quite rampant, particularly among young men from lower socio-economic backgrounds, both in rural and urban areas of Indonesia. Last year for instance, the Indonesian media widely reported the deaths of young men who drank this cocktail in Surabaya and Madiun in East Java, Indramayu in West Java, as well as the deaths of several Thai citizens in Papua. It seems that these cases are merely the tip of the iceberg since not all deaths, health and social consequences related to this hazardous practice can be detected or reported in the media.
During my fieldwork in a slum area in Makassar, South Sulawesi, in mid 2008, I found that many young men drank this dangerous oplosan drink not only because of the chemical or pharmacological effects, but also because of the cultural meaning attached to this risky practice.
In addition, it is quite clear that drinking oplosan is a social event among young men. Many researchers have found the contradictory functions of alcohol as a social glue among young men even though alcohol may also trigger conflict or even violence among them.
Because most of the young men in Indonesia who drink oplosan are from a low socio-economic background, they usually pool money to buy the materials that they will mix to produce this lethal cocktail. One of the most important meanings that these young men attach to the practice of drinking oplosan is to achieve and maintain their masculine status.
Many of them mention that they participate in this risky and potentially lethal drinking practice to prove their manhood as well as to numb their frustration from their harsh daily lives.
Australian sociologist, R.W. Connell, the pioneer in theorizing masculinity, cited the tendency of “hyper-masculinity” among young men from disadvantaged backgrounds that push them to be involved in risky practices such as risky drinking, drug use, crime or violence.
According to Connell, unlike many young men from higher socio-economic backgrounds who also are involved in risky activities but mature more quickly because of work and marriage, young men from low socio-economic backgrounds usually engage in these risky practices earlier and longer.
They also lack the resources and support to mature quickly and identify with their masculinity through conventional channels such as education, employment and career. Many young men from deprived backgrounds engage often in these risky practices and later face severe health, social, economic and legal consequences or even death.
It is therefore important to note that repression alone cannot prevent many young men from drinking oplosan. As reported by many researchers, engagement in risky practices among young men from a low socio-economic background also has structural, cultural and gender dimensions. High levels of school drop-outs, low access to decent employment, boredom and the desire to prove their manhood - even through self destruction - push these young men into chronic alienation and marginalization.
Community development programs that increase educational attainment, employability and access toward health prevention and care programs, needs to be designed and implemented to reduce the marginalization of poor young men. It is also noteworthy that in most cultures there is a sense of exclusion for young men who lack financial independence and have no decent employment. These young men generally will suffer from lower self esteem and many of them compensate their misery with risky practices.
The feminization of labor - in which young females have better access to employment in the service sectors in urban areas – has also exacerbated the alienation of many young men. This gender dimension of unemployment and underemployment should be taken into account as well.
For more than 15 years in Indonesia, when we talk about gender it usually means talking about efforts to increase the well-being of girls and women. It is now urgent to also incorporate men and boys into the gender discussion.
Epidemiological data clearly shows that the mortality, morbidity, socio-economic and legal consequences of risky practices such as hazardous drinking, drug use, traffic accidents, unsafe sex, crime and violence are highly concentrated among men between 15-24 years of age, particularly those from lower socio-economic backgrounds.
Moreover, it is worth mentioning that the engagement of young men in these risky activities will also affect the well being of their female counterparts such as their mothers, their sisters or their partners. In many cases the engagement of young men in these risky practices may create physical, psychological, social and economic problems for females such as domestic violence, sexual violence, sexually transmitted diseases (including HIV/AIDS), social stigma, discrimination, exclusion or even death.
Finally, it is urgent to better understand the cultural context and the political economy of young men who undertake risky activities, in order to design and implement appropriate and comprehensive interventions.
Source: Sudirman Nasir , MELBOURNE | Sat, 01/31/2009 11:38 AM | Opinion
